Rape Culture Oriented Feminism Sociology Essay

Rape Culture Oriented Feminism Sociology Essay Part of the current feminism strive is to raise awareness of what is known as rape culture. Rape culture is a socially constructed concept that depicts a culture in which sexual violence and rape are belittled, tolerated, and even justified in society. This concept is related to some specific behaviors such as womens causal role, rape stereotypes, sexual objectification, and trivialization of rape along with sexual discrimination. Legally, rape is defined as forced sexual intercourse between a man and a woman against the womans will (or the mans). In many states, the legal definition of rape does not include marital rape. In others terms, husbands which force their wives into sex are not punished by law, as rape is only seen as illegitimate sexual intercourse, i.e., the wifes exception implies that rape is rape if and only if the man commits the act on a woman other than his wife. This would suggest that sexual violence is not always considered as an act of rape. Even more, this implies that the law might consider sexual assaults as tolerable. For a forced sexual act to be sanctioned as rape, the man should not have conjugal rights over the woman. In other terms, the laws acceptance of a violent sexual act depends on the relationship between the victim and her rapist. According to the feminists rape culture theory, sexist behaviors contribute to the normalization of sexual assaults towards women. The root of rape culture is -according to the theory- the objectification and domination of women in a highly patriarchal society. Rape culture exists today because of the socially constructed image of sex as being an act of male domination over women. It is the traditional perception of how men and women are to behave which is the cause of rape being so trivialized. Men are expected to have sexual dominance in the relationship whereas women are pictured as passive, subordinate creatures. The contrast between men and women in the socially constructed sexual culture can be seen in dating for instance. In a date, a man is expected to buy gifts, dinner, drive the date of/from location to location and shower the woman with attention. Society has accustomed men to expect sexual rewards for their actions. The man thinks he has a right to sexual favors because of what he did on the date. This reasoning puts women as legitimate for sexual aggressions, and gives justifications for men to reason what they might do. When society produces rapists by encouraging values such as domination, anger, aggression, violence and rejecting the idea of men expressing and sharing their feelings, it fosters a rape culture. The rapists are also victims in the sense that they are frustrated by not being able to nurture their need for love and affection through more normal, healthier ways; hence acting through violence. Social conditioning through media holds a huge part of responsibility in rape culture oriented societies. Men and women are made to behave and think in a very specific way from a very early age through school and popular culture. Women and girls should act properly and in a ladylike manner, men should be strong and unemotional. This socialization process, this distribution of roles and behaviors creates the imbalance of power between men and women, giving the floor to male domination over female subordination, and indirectly training women how to be raped, and men how to be rapists. Some rules which train women how to be ladies actually contribute to a lot of rape situations. For instance, a lady should not make a scene just because she is at discomfort. During a sexual assault, wouldnt this entitle that the woman should stay quiet, in order to preserve ladylike qualities? A lady should always trust and be kind to strangers which offer to help. This rule gives rapists plenty of situations where they can trick women into thinking that they are actually willing to help them whilst having planned the rape act. Another rule claims that a lady should always graciously smile when spoken to. A potential rapist might consider a woman acknowledging him with a smile as her being consenting to the situation. Social conditioning has also leaded us to deem as true a set of prejudicial beliefs, called rape myths. These stereotypes provide aggressors with justifications and legitimization for their acts of sexual violence. Feminists claim that rape myths are fundamental to the patriarchal society which supports control and domination relationships. Not only do those stereotypes and lies present assaulters with excuses for their acts, but they also move the responsibility of the act away from the aggressors and lay it on the victims. Some examples of rape myths include: Black men rape white women, Provocative female clothing is the cause of rape, its the victims fault, She was asking for it Even more dangerous is womens acceptance as the ones to blame for rape and the hostility some women show towards other women which were rape victims, by saying and believing in claims such as She provoked the rape, Men are unable to control themselves, rape is only perpetrated by sick men. The new trend nowadays, and from what I hear around me when I ask people about the causal role of women in a rape situation is to say that women should not dress in an alluring way then blame men for raping them. Society is full of sick men, and women should be prepared for this. Raped women actually had it coming. A study done in Germany where participants (students) were given a set of questions, tried to measure to which extent rape myths were accepted and it tried to study the correlation between the desire for sexual dominance and the inclination to accept rape and rape myths. The results of this study supported the feminist theory which claims that rape is much more linked to the desire for men to express their dominance and control over women than to simple sexual arousal. There are three main theories which suggest different factors as support for the proliferation of rape culture. The first theory, gender disparity, claims that rape is the main instrument for patriarchal societies to keep oppression and control. As discussed earlier, the imbalance of power in the relationship between men and women is a direct cause of the objectification and subordination of women versus the domination and demonstration of force of men, which encourages rapist behavior. The second theory, cultural overflow, claims that rape myths and gender socialization are not the only causes for sexual violence, as other components of culture might serve to justify and trivialize rape. An example would be the aspects of violence in our everyday life. Violence in schools, in media, and in governments can be generalized or extended to relationships, thus condoning rape acts. The third theory, social disturbance, suggests that elevated rates of rape might reflect disturbance in social lives such as divorce and relocation. A generalization of the theory would be that deviant acts in general mirror social disorganization which disturbs commonly agreed on social mores. Although I agree with the fact that feminists have done well in raising awareness against rape in societies, and (to some extent) to how society might have contributed to the increase of rape rates through popular culture and mass media, I think there are some issues with rape culture as an entity proposed by traditional feminists. Traditional feminists rape culture theory mainly insists on gender imbalance as being the cause of rape proliferation in society. However, and as the Cultural Spillover theory suggest, other factors and other components might cause increase in rapes rates. The war in Bosnia (92-95) was infamously known for wartime rape. Many Muslim women in Bosnia were raped by Serbs at the time. Rape becomes a weapon of war in this case. It is not intentionally or (at the least solely) directed towards the individual victim, but rather used as any other tool to hurt the enemy. The rape during the Yugoslav conflicts was consequently labeled as genocide rape or rape warfare. Many examples in India, South Asian, and Middle Eastern and South African countries show similar patterns where the culture of war and violence tends to lead to a tacit acceptance of rape in society. Rape as a war weapon can be much more effective than any other weapon as the lasting effects of such an act not only hurt the individual on the long term but the society as a whole. Through children born in time of rape warfare, the society is relentlessly reminded of the war and the enemy. It is one of the most degrading and brutal attacks that could be carried on the enemy. Victims of rape in war time live in isolation from their family and community, especially if they have a child born from the rape act. Another issue with the traditionalist feminist view on rape is the binary structure and the rather monolithic perspective on the matter. There is this tendency to represent men as evil animalistic rapist creatures and women as helpless submissive victims. The feminist cause is first and foremost a fight for equality. As a movement which condemns rape as a result of gender inequality, the irony here is the separation between genders which label the man as a rapist and the woman as a victim. The theory depicts all men as potential rapists and sex offenders, controlling and dominant. Across my research, I noticed that most of the literature on rape culture only highlights female oriented violence. Such discrepancy makes it appear as if male oriented violence does not exist, and that female victims are much more prevalent. Such unfairness in research contributes to the rigid binary representation of the matter. The danger in doing such propaganda (i.e. labeling all men are potential sexual aggressors) makes it sound as if being a man is enough to identify the person as someone likely to rape. Even the definitions I encountered on feminist blogs and journals define rape as the act of sexual violence towards a woman by a man without her consent, but not vice versa. A similar distortion can be seen when talking about domestic violence as it is now assumed and taken for granted that men are the wife beaters. While feminisms original strive is to gain and maintain equality between the genders, rape culture theories create a serious loophole as such distortions and discrepancies actually put women as the harmless gender on higher grounds for moral superiority in comparison with men as the harmful gender, which creates gender imbalance all over again. By acting as such, feminists negate their goal of gender equality. It is not anymore the battle for equal rights; it is the fight for moral superiority that is at stake here. Hence as much as rape culture following the feminist view trivialize and encourage rape, rape culture also benefit this feminist view of men being animalistic and unable to control their urges in comparison with women. A third issue with rape culture is the labeling itself of the entity. What does rape culture exactly encapsulates? I am concerned that the focus of feminists on rape culture might exclude other abused victims which were not subject to rape but other types of violence. For instance, domestic violence victims doesnt necessarily mean rape victims. Arent those women excluded from the movement because of the fact that they were not raped? Sexually harassed women are not necessarily raped too, where do they stand in the rape culture movement? By choosing a label and identifying an entity such as rape culture, Rape acquires a special place in the feminist movement, as women who were raped gain a unique status which makes them a priority over other women. The problem here is that, by giving rape this privileged status, by making the focus rape and rape culture, the feminist movement creates this gender-separatist, discriminatory entity which shadows other gender related issues. Other society problems are as important as the rape issue, yet we do not have a child molesting culture entity for instance. Furthermore, one can actually draw a pattern of similarities between the feminist rape culture movement and the traditional white feminist movement, because both are discriminatory in a way. The white feminist movement does not represent black and Latino women for instance. Similarly, rape culture feminists do not represent battered women or women who were not raped but were still victims of sexual harassment. Rape culture oriented feminism does have some good arguments as socially constructed behaviors and gender roles do impact on rape behaviors. However, and to draw the analogy with the white feminist movement, victimized women which were raped as a product of the imbalance of power between men and women in society represent only a small part of the rape victims and situations, as much as white desperate housewives with college degrees who are forced to stay at home only represent a small portion of oppressed women. Just as white feminism should evolve to include other women in the group, rape culture oriented feminism should also change by broadening its area of interest and not limiting itself only to first: physically raped victims and second : physically raped victims outside the sample society provided by rape culture oriented feminism. Wartime rape victims, which are ignored by this feminist movement currently should also be part of the strive. Furthermore, the movement should also reconsider the monolithic view it gives of society which separates men and women in a negative way. Rape culture oriented literature so far is very biased in terms of who does the aggressions. It should also recognize that not all men are aggressors, because of the unfairness and incorrectness of such accusation, and move towards a more cooperative image between the genders rather than the hatred one it currently gives. Work cited: Rape Myths. Research Advocacy Digest

Religion in the Works of Flannery OConnor Essay -- Biography Biograph

Religion in the Works of Flannery O'Connor      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Religion is a pervasive theme in most of the literary works of the late Georgia writer Flannery O'Connor. Four of her short stories in particular deal with the relationship between Christianity and society in the Southern Bible Belt: "A Good Man Is Hard to Find," "The River," "Good Country People," and "Revelation." Louis D. Rubin, Jr. believes that the mixture of "the primitive fundamentalism of her region, [and] the Roman Catholicism of her faith . . ." makes her religious fiction both well-refined and entertaining (70-71). O'Connor's stories give a grotesque and often stark vision of the clash between traditional Southern Christian values and the ever-changing social scene of the twentieth century. Three of the main religious ingredients that lend to this effect are the presence of divine meanings, revelations of God, and the struggle between the powers of Satan and God. The divine symbols in O'Connor's works tend to be mostly apocalyptic in nature, exhibiting drastic cases of societal breakdown in a religious context, but occasionally, they show prophetic hope. John Byars states that: She presents two contradictory images of society in most of her fiction: one in which the power and prevalence of evil seem so deeply embedded that only destruction may root it out, and another in which the community or even an aggregate of individuals, though radically flawed, may discover within itself the potential for regeneration. (34) In all four of the mentioned stories, this presence of Christian signs-of-the-times can be seen. Set in the early fifties, "A Good Man Is Hard to Find" tells of the murder of a vacationing Georgia family by an escaped felon called the Misfit. ... ...Norman. "Dostoevskian Vision in Flannery O'Connor's `Revelation.'" The Flannery O'Connor Bulletin 16 (1987): 16-22. O'Connor, Flannery. The Complete Stories of Flannery O'Connor. New York: Farrar, 1990. Rubin, Louis D., Jr. "Flannery O'Connor and the Bible Belt." The Added Dimension: The Art and Mind of Flannery O'Connor. Ed. Melvin J. Friedman and Lewis A. Lawson. New York: Fordham UP, 1966. 49-71. Scott, Nathan A., Jr. "Flannery O'Connor's Testimony." The Added Dimension: The Art and Mind of Flannery O'Connor. Ed. Melvin J. Friedman and Lewis A. Lawson. New York: Fordham UP, 1966. 138-56. Spivey, Ted R. "Flannery O'Connor's View of God and Man." Flannery O'Connor. Ed. Robert E. Reiter. St. Louis: B. Herder, 1966. 111-18. Wood, Ralph C. "Flannery O'Connor, Martin Heidegger, and Modern Nihilism." The Flannery O'Connor Bulletin 21 (1992): 100-18.

Human Freedom Essay

In its simplest definition, freedom is the condition of being free from restraints. This condition can be experienced by any living things most especially humans. However, in the complexity of human rationality and mobility, freedom takes deeper meanings and perception depending on human condition and circumstances. The definition of human freedom ranges from philosophical to theological discussions and their translation into day to day experiences. Freedom is the ability of an individual to move freely, to act, to decide, to believe what he or she wants and to freely shape his or her existence without restraints or limitations. But in the context of culture, there has been no absolute freedom. Since time immemorial there has been limitations and boundaries created for humans not to fully exercise their freedom of being. Moreover, these boundaries leave the individual into facing the consequences of each action, decision or belief being made. The fact that we are governed by institutions and that there are strata in the society limits individuals exercise of freedom. On the other hand, the exercise of human freedom is not solely of the individual. There are many circumstances when freedom becomes of the community or society exercising it together at a given time. Though there are the so-called personal choices that individuals make on their own capacity to think and decide, more often than not, the result involves some people or a large scale community. The concept of freedom is often illustrated with being in jail or immobility. However, the â€Å"unfreedom† is more than the presence of structural restraints and limitations. Most of the time, the opposite of freedom is demonstrated in the level culture and the inability to access services provided by the society or government. Human Unfreedom For individuals to fully understand the concept of freedom, we must first understand the avenues where unfreedom is experienced. According to G. C. Berkouwer, â€Å"This ‘unfreedom’ is so evident and frequent in the history of mankind that we must all the impressed by it, by the impressive evidence of dictatorships, deportations, and all sorts of destruction of freedom; and besides, an individual may feel his freedom cramped by physical or psychical weakness, which hinders expression of man’s full nature. † Prior to dictatorships, culture is one of the primary restraints of freedom. For example, it is cultural that some parents chose the life path of their children. They direct them into what they want these children to become into the future thus hindering the development of individuality and exercising their own talents and gifts in the ways they see them fit their future. Laws, as part of culture, are undeniably limiting the exercise of freedom. Whether it’s logical to cross the street in the nearest possible point, the lawful is to cross using pedestrian lanes or footbridges or else suffer the consequences of being fined or imprisoned. Many people actually regard cultural norms and laws as restraints to the exercise of freedom and curtail their ability to explore what they want in shaping their lives and future. Many people take the risk of deviating from these regulations and boundaries to show an accomplishment in fostering their capability to think for themselves. The risk, however, involves other people in the community to serve as witnesses or critiques, moreover, individuals who diverted will suffer humiliation. The inability to access primary services and needs like clothing, shelter, food, health care and education also restricts the individuals’ or community’s exercise of freedom. When people, families or communities are denied of these basic rights, the freedom to act is also being restricted and denied. Food, shelter and clothing uplifts dignity to an individual. In a society where people are often judged by what they eat, wear or where they live, these needs should be supplied for an individual to exercise the freedom to be a part of a community whether of religious or secular. The denial or inaccessibility of quality education also threatens the exercise of freedom in many different ways. For example, people are classified according to their educational attainment or even to the schools or universities where they studied. Whether or not some individuals are qualified to a job post, they are judged according to how they dress or compose themselves and to the kind of community they come from. Fostering Freedom Given all the definitions above, there are still ways for individuals to fully exercise and foster their freedom of being and existence. Considering that limitations and restraints are already existing in any given form, be it cultural, social or governmental, the best way is to make freedom valuable and co-existent with the former. Following cultural norms could actually make an individual fully aware of his or her freedom of choice. It is a choice between social suffering and the freedom to be his- or herself amid restrictions. Following laws is best form of the exercise of freedom than being penalized as a consequence of disobeying. Freedom is being able to choose what it right at the right time and at the right place. For the children, older generation should allow them to exercise their freedom by teaching them the consequences of the opposite while enabling them to fully discover who they are in the process. Should parents be frustrated to what they have become, they should not turn to their children to fulfill to what they have not become; rather allow them to choose the life they want whenever they are already capable of doing so. Reference G. C. Berkouwer. (1962). Man: The Image of God. Eerdmans: Grand Rapids, Mississippi. Retrieved April 9, 2009 from http://www. the-highway. com/freedom1_Berkouwer. html

Swot Analysis of Pepsico - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 7 Words: 2092 Downloads: 1 Date added: 2017/09/23 Category Advertising Essay Type Argumentative essay Tags: Leadership Essay Did you like this example? Our History PepsiCo is a world leader in convenient snacks, foods and beverages with revenues of more than $60 billion and over 285,000 employees. Take a journey through our past and see the key milestones that define PepsiCo. 2009milestone PepsiCo is named to the Best Companies for Multi Cultural Women list by Working Mother magazine PepsiCo joins Ceres, a leading coalition of investors, environmental groups and public interest organizations working to address sustainability efforts Near East brand launches two new products—Pearled Couscous side dish and Near East Gourmet Meal Kits SoBe Lifewater introduces two new zero-calorie flavors – Acai Fruit Punch and Mango Melon Pepsi celebrates its 75th anniversary in Canada PepsiCo honored with Respect Award for its commitment to diversity by the Gay, Lesbian and Straight Education Network (GLSEN) PepsiCo-Almarai joint ventures acquires stake in Jordanian dairy company, Teeba Frito-Lay Turkey honored with Enviro nment-Friendly Industrial Plant award from the Kocaeli Chamber of Industry PepsiCo creates Baked Snacks North America Business Unit to meet consumers interest in more nutritious snacks and foods PepsiCo opens new Russian beverage plant in Domodedovo, the largest bottling plant in PepsiCos global system Naked Juice becomes the first nationally distributed brand to use 100% recycled plastic bottles with the Naked reNewabottle PepsiCo Russia celebrates 50th Anniversary Gatorade introduces limited-edition Jordan series bottles PepsiCo pairs with CBS to launch first-ever video player packaged in a print ad PepsiCo products make Best Foods for Women list in Womens Health magazine EPA awards PepsiCos Chicago office with Energy Star certification Pepsi kicks off its 2009 partnership with the NFL Smartfood adds Peanut Butter Apple flavor to its lineup Mountain Dew introduces UltraViolet, Dews first diet line extension PepsiCo sponsors National Urban League Conference PepsiCo reaches merger a greements with Pepsi Bottling Group and PepsiAmericas PepsiCo agrees to acquire Amacoco, Brazils largest coconut water company PepsiCo launches its first lightly carbonated fruit-based beverage in Brazil, Frutzzz Aunt Jemima brand celebrates 120 years PepsiCo is awarded several 2009 beverage innovation honors during Drinktec trade show Sabritas and PepsiCo Mexico Beverages receive three Effie Top Marketing Campaign awards TrueNorth expands offerings with three new nut/fruit combinations—Apple Cinnamon, Citrus Burst and Almond Cranberry IZZE Sparkling Juice launches at Panda Express restaurants across the country PepsiCo Brazil signs pledge to change marketing campaigns to children PepsiCo says it will form new bottling unit; Eric Foss, 27-year industry veteran, will be CEO PepsiCo joins Healthy Weight Commitment Foundation to help reduce obesity in the US PepsiCo wins U. S. EPA SmartWay Environmental Excellence award for its leadership in conserving energy Sabritas and Gamesa-Quaker unveiled the first every hybrid trucks in Mexico PepsiCo U. K. and Ireland were named as one of the Top 50 Places Where Women Want To Work by The Times, an influential UK newspaper and online publication PepsiCo is recognized at two events for its dedication to Talent Sustainability and dedication to Asian American employees—2009 Best Companies for Asian Pacific Americans from Asian Entrepreneur, Top 10 Companies for Asian Americans from AMBA PepsiCo again named to Dow Jones Sustainability World Index and Dow Jones Sustainability North America Index Propel supports Breast Cancer Awareness with its â€Å"hope. owpropelled† website, special packaging and pink caps Consumer Reports magazine names Quaker Chewy 90 Calorie Granola Bar among best during a taste test on lower-fat snack options United Nations Association of New York honors Frito-Lay for its environmental efforts PepsiCo ranks among top companies on Corporate Social Responsibility Index by the Bost on College Center for Corporate Citizenship PepsiCo signs as partner of new Meadowlands Stadium, the future home of the New York Jets and New York Giants Pepsi Brazil wins the top spot for The Most Admired in Brazil by Brazilian business magazine Carta Capital PepsiCo named Corporation of the Year by Southern Florida Minority Supplier Development Council for its diligence, commitment and legacy of diversity The European Union approved the proposed mergers of PepsiCo, Pepsi Bottling Group and PepsiAmericas PepsiCo Hope delivers more han 50,000 free, healthier snacks and breakfasts to Dallas children Frito-Lay receives the United Nations Association of New Yorks 2009 Annual Humanitarian Award in recognition of Frito-Lays accomplishments in environmental corporate social responsibility PepsiCo Russia signs the Russian Advertisers Associations pledge to eliminate advertising to children under 12 Pepsi wins Football Promoter of the Year award in Nigeria for its involvement with the devel opment of grassroots football PepsiCo and Calbee Foods Company announce strategic alliance to make and sell a wide range of food products in Japan Gamesa-Quakers Stila brand named Brand of the Year in Mexico at the 6th Anahuac/AI Ries Marketing Awards IZZE brand launches new flavor of sparkling juice—IZZE Sparkling Lime PepsiCo open first overseas green plant in China as part of its $1 billion investment in the country The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) names PepsiCo as one of its 2008 Water Efficiency Leaders, for its efforts of water efficiency and environmental sustainability PepsiCos Valhalla, NY RD site receives LEED certification for its environmental sustainability efforts PepsiCo International introduces first non-alcoholic, flavored malt drink, Bario, into Saudi market Pepsi Jordan wins the King Abdullah Excellence Award, Jordans most prestigious award on a country level PepsiCo receives Corporation of Year award from United Cerebral Palsy in recognition of it s EnAble program, which champions inclusion for people with different abilities in the workplace PepsiCos World Headquarters in Purchase, NY, was named as the winner of the 2009 Landmark Award by the American Society of Landscape Architects and the National trust for Historic Preservation Frito-Lay North America announces new partnership with Terra Cycle, a company that will repurpose Frito-Lay snack packaging into merchandise PepsiCo named to Ethispheres Most Ethical Companies for 2009 Quaker is honored with 2008-2009 Brand Laureate Heritage Award for the Best Brands-Consumers by the Asia Pacific Brand Foundation in Malaysia PepsiCo Chicago is recognized by BusinessWeek magazine as one of the top green headquarter locations in the U. S. PepsiCo is listed in the top 20 Ideal Employer MBA Ranking in Fortune magazine PepsiCo China beverage group named Supplier of the Year by Wal-Mart China FLNA and Oberto Sausage Co. hagree to end partnership for distribution and sales of OhBoy! Obert o brand meat snack products in the U. S. and Canada Tropicana becomes the first North American brand to be independently certified by the Carton Trust, an organization established to address climate change Sierra Mist launches new flavor—Sierra Mist Ruby Splash Pepsi becomes official beverage of Norwegian Cruise Lines PepsiCo acquires Karinto snack business in Peru Frito-Lay SunChips announces plans to begin using the first fully compostable snack chip bag made from plant-based materials to significantly improve the environmental impact PepsiCos Mexico divisions, Gamesa-Quaker, Sabritas and Gatorade, receive the distinctive Corporate Social Responsibility award from Cemefi, the Mexican Center for Philanthrop, for their Talent Sustainability efforts Wal-Mart Mexico names PepsiCo Beverages Mexico as the Supplier of the Year Aquafina, Diet Pepsi, Pepsi and Mountain Dew top the 2009 Brand Keys Customer Loyalty Engagement Index Lipton launches new Sparkling Green Tea—the first-ever sparkling beverage from the Lipton trademark Consumer Reports names Quaker products among its top choices at supermarkets in their Great Every Day Products article The U. S. Environmental Protection Agency awards PepsiCo a 2009 Energy Start Sustained Excellence Award for its energy efficiency program PepsiCo announces intention to acquire its two largest anchor bottlers, The Pepsi Bottling Group and PepsiAmericas PepsiCos TorTrix brand receives the Hall of Fame of Guatemalan Brands award from the American Marketing Association PepsiCo introduces three new products—Pepsi Natural, Pepsi Throwback and Mountain Dew Throwback, all sweetened with natural sugar PepsiCo Ireland is recognized as one of the 50 Best Workplaces by The Great Places to Work Institute PepsiCo Chicago Sustainability Center achieves LEED Platinum certification from the U. S. Green Building Council, making it the fist in the Consumer Products sector to receive the prestigious Platinum distinc tion Frito-Lay launches $2 line for consumers seeking value PepsiCo India launches Nimbooz by 7Up, a beverage inspired by Indias favorite lemonade drink Tropicana introduces Trop50, the first orange juice with the all-natural sweetness of Stevia PepsiCo is recognized for its Diversity and Inclusion program by three leading business publications—DiversityMBA, DiversityInc. , and DiversityBusiness. com PepsiCo introduces first climate-friendly vending machines to the U. S. Gatorades G2 launch topped Information Resource Inc. s list of most successful product launches of 2008 Aquafina launches the Eco-Fina Bottle, the lightest weight bottle in the market Frito-Lay introduces new Smartfood popcorn clusters Doritos SuperBowl XLIII ad ranked number one by USA Todays Ad Meter AMP Energy unveils three new line extensions—AMP Energy Lightning, AMP Energy with Black Tea and AMP Energy with Green Tea PepsiCo scores major league, multiyear sponsorship with both New York Mets and N ew York Yankees Latina Style magazine recognizes PepsiCo among the leading companies for Latinas at the Style 50 Awards and Diversity Leaders Conference Spitz Brand has been named one of Canadas 50 Best Managed Companies by the National Post PepsiCo Greater China opens newest bottling plant, Chengdu Pepsi Beverage Co. Ltd. n West China PepsiCo named Corporation of the Year by Southern Florida Minority Supplier Development Council for its diligence, commitment and legacy of diversity Gatorade India establishes new training center for most-talented cricket players Frito-Lay North America adds more than 1,000 fuel-efficient vehicles to its fleet PepsiCo announces a multi-year distribution agreement with Rockstar Energy Drink Tostitos brand crowns six University of Texas fans as the champions of the Tostitos Race for the Bowl competition and awards them $200,000 for their schools scholarship fund IZZE Sparkling Juice becomes available at Sams Club Frito Lay Turkey launches its second be tter-for-you snack, Cheetos Rings Eleven PepsiCo China bottling plants are honored as 2008 Enterprise of Excellence in Water Saving facilities at the 2008 Chinese Beverages Industry Association annual meeting 2007 Milestones PepsiCo Food Service International (PFSI) is formed to focus on overseas development of restaurants. PepsiCo now has 111,000 employees. First presentation of the international Donald M. Kendall Bottler-of-the-Year Award. Frito-Lay begins nationwide roll-out of Grandmas brand cookies. Garden designer Russell Page (1906-1985) begins to extend the gardens at PepsiCo. Pepsi is #1 in sales in take-home market. 1978 Milestones PepsiCo acquires Pizza Hut, Inc. Pizza Hut was founded in 1958 by Dan and Frank Carney. It is spun off along with Taco Bell and KFC businesses as Tricon Global Restaurants, Inc. in 1997. PepsiCo passes the $3 billion mark in sales. PepsiCo stock splits three-for-one. 1976 Milestones PepsiCo sales pass the $2 billion mark. Pepsi-Cola becomes t he first American consumer product to be produced, marketed and sold in the former Soviet Union. 1973 Milestones PepsiCo sales pass the $1 billion mark. The company has 36,000 employees. PepsiCo moves from New York City to new world headquarters in Purchase, N. Y. The new corporate headquarters feature a building by one of Americas foremost architects, Edward Durrell Stone (1902-1978), set on a campus of 144 acres amid an outdoor sculpture garden. Frito-Lay begins a program of expansion. Over the next decade, the company opens, on average, more than one new plant a year. W. C. Fritos is introduced as Frito-Lays new advertising mascot. Wilson Sporting Goods, a top name in sports equipment, joins PepsiCo. It is divested in 1985. Pepsi introduces the industrys first two-liter bottle. Pepsi is the first company to respond to consumer preference with lightweight, recyclable, plastic bottles. 1969 Milestones North American Van Lines (NAVL), a premier transportation company, joins Pepsi Co. NAVL remains a strong contributor to PepsiCo until it is divested in 1984. 967 Milestones Doritos brand tortilla chips are introduced. They are destined to become the most popular snack chip in the U. S. Pepsi enters Japan and Eastern Europe. 1965 Milestones PepsiCo, Inc. is founded by Donald M. Kendall, President and Chief Executive Officer of Pepsi-Cola and Herman W. Lay, Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of Frito-Lay, through the merger of the two companies. Pepsi-Cola was created in the late 1890s by Caleb Bradham, a New Bern, N. C. pharmacist. Frito-Lay, Inc. was formed by the 1961 merger of the Frito Company, founded by Elmer Doolin in 1932, and the H. W. Lay Company, founded by Herman W. Lay, also in 1932. Herman Lay is chairman of the Board of Directors of the new company; Donald M. Kendall is president and chief executive officer. The new company reports sales of $510 million and has 19,000 employees. Major products of the new companies are: Pepsi-Cola Company Pe psi-Cola (formulated in 1898), Diet Pepsi (1964) and Mountain Dew (introduced by Tip Corporation in 1948). Frito-Lay, Inc. Fritos brand corn chips (created by Elmer Doolin in 1932), Lays brand potato chips (created by Herman W. Lay in 1938), Cheetos brand cheese flavored snacks (1948), Ruffles brand potato chips (1958) and Rold Gold brand pretzels (acquired 1961). Mountain Dew launches its first campaign Yahoo Mountain Dew itll tickle your innards. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Swot Analysis of Pepsico" essay for you Create order

The Great Puerto Rican Migration - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 5 Words: 1506 Downloads: 1 Date added: 2019/10/31 Category History Essay Level High school Tags: The Great Migration Essay Did you like this example? US history have taken place for many different reasons pertaining to the laws and reasons of the great migrations. Although the immigration of Puerto Ricans isnt nearly as significant as many others, it has made enough of an impact to make it on to the history books. As mentioned by Bill Breisky in Looking for the Promise Land, Compared to historys great population shifts, the Puerto Rican migration to the mainland is not significant. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "The Great Puerto Rican Migration" essay for you Create order But in America, in this age of immigration quotas, it is a notable phenomenon. The chronicle of the migration is a story of how a partially cooled melting pot is making room for what may be its last great influx from a foreign land. As the time has passed since the first great migration in in the late 1800s, a population of over 5 million Puerto Ricans has formed over all 50 states according to the BEPR. Puerto Rican Immigration to New York in the 1800s was due to an extended period of injustice towards the residents on the island from the Crown in Spain and then later in the 1900s there was mass immigration again to New York due to the economy. Puerto Rico became a colony of Spain in 1508, it remained this way until 1898. In the years that it was a colony of Spain there was no middle class, only a royal class and the majority were poor. The lifestyle of the people was that of a very poor nation, as the crown got richer. This led to revolts and as soon as the United States ceded the Island from Spain in 1898 there was some people that immediately decided to leave. Many of those that wanted to couldnt because they could no afford it. So once Puerto Ricans finally had the right to move to the United States very few of them decided to leave. Although people in the United States attempted to describe Puerto Rico as a glamorous tourist destination, there was a time in the early 1900s that the island suffered a severe economic depression. Poverty was widespread, and very few could afford the expensive trip to the mainland. According to the article in the Library of Congress Immigration in 1910, there were fewer than 2,000 Puerto R icans in the continental U.S., mostly in small enclaves in New York City, and twenty years later, in 1930, there were only 40,000 more. Puerto Rican migration exploded once World War 2 ended. In 1945, only 13,000 Puerto Ricans lived in New York City; but after 1946 there were more than 50,000. That was the breaking point, over the next 10 years more than 25,000 Puerto Ricans started to migrate over each year, topping out in 1953, when more than 69,000 came in just that year. By 1955, there were almost 700,000 Puerto Ricans in the United States and by the mid-1960s, more than a million Puerto Ricans had moved over. From the 40s to the 60s Puerto Ricans viewed the United States as the land of opportunity. The mentality was that they would come to this land where there was a Gold Rush and they would make plenty of money. For some this was certainly the case and they found great success in places such as New York working industrial jobs or in California in the Steel Mill industry. Many found themselves on their way back home to the Island when they realized that they had moved to a culture they didnt understand, to a style of life they did not know to fit into and to an economy that although was rebuilding and booming didnt quite fit the description that they were told when the Industrial Recruiters went to the island to tell the people of these great jobs that were available. As mentioned in Of Immigrants and Migrants, Puerto Rican migrants brought greater social costs because they were entitled to access the American welfare state. In all technicality the movement of Puerto Ricans from the Islan d to the mainland is considered internal migration because Puerto Ricans are born Citizens. They have every major right that someone born in the 50 states has other than voting for congress, unless they move to a state and then they are qualified to vote for congress. This was such a false concept though, to consider Puerto Ricans migrating from the island to the mainland internal migration was far from accurate. They had to make an enormous transition from the Spanish culture to that of a growing developing nation with all sorts of diversity. The first large group of Puerto Rican to move over to the United States found themselves forming communities in cities throughout the country. Some of these cities were Chicago, Philadelphia. However, even though there were Puerto Ricans moving to other parts of the country, since the 1930s, the capital of Puerto Rican culture in the United States was New York City. Although it was far from the Caribbean the ability for Puerto Ricans to use Airplanes to migrate made the move attainable. Puerto Ricans found themselves moving in masses to a specific area of Manhattan, in a neighborhood that eventually was called Spanish Harlem. Most of these men and woman moving over to New York were farm workers in Puerto Rico, yet they had to adapt and so they found themselves getting jobs such as staffing the hospitals, the factories, the hotels, and they soon became a major part of the citys political and cultural life. The migration to the 50 states practically halted in the late 60s and was very slow all throughout the 70s, as a recession led to fewer jobs in large U.S. cities. This caused many of the first generation that moved to the States to start making their return to Puerto Rico. The ones that decided to stay started to run into very common issues for immigrants such as poverty, unemployment, and racial discrimination. As mentioned in the article Immigration, the darker-skinned Puerto Ricans were omitted from jobs and ran into the same issues that most other colored people a that time were running into with housing and education. Another major issue that Puerto Ricans ran into was the language barrier, which at times made it very difficult to find good paying jobs or the ability to go to government agencies and get adequate treatment. Eventually the second generation of U.S mainland born Puerto Ricans came around and new political movements were born as well. This generation of Puerto Ricans started to make the proper moves towards getting granted greater civil rights, such as education and less discrimination in the job market. The most major campaign that this generation brought on was the desire to change the status of Puerto Rico. Finally, the day came in a 1951 referendum, the Puerto Rican population voted and with overwhelming results the island became a U.S. commonwealth as they would rather that over remaining a colony. This was not enough for many Puerto Ricans and groups formed that called for full independence. This led to militant nationalists going as far as firing weapons on the U.S. House of Representatives as they attempted to assassinate President Harry Truman. There were also groups that form to create awareness for the people that remained on the island, which continued to struggle economically. All these tremendous efforts by the first and second generation of Immigrants from Puerto Rico carved the way for the rest of those that decided to keep moving into the 90s and 2000s. There are plenty of institutions such as churches, community centers, schools and businesses built by Puerto Ricans all throughout the country. The Puerto Rican parade is the largest parade for any cultural or ethnical group. Times were tough for many that came looking for opportunity in the United States in the early 1900s, as would be expected for any immigrant or internal migrant. Its never an easy task to leave the comfort of your native city or state so much less would it be an easy task to leave the comfort of your native country and culture and must fully immerse yourself into an entirely new one. Now the new generation all the way into the Milleniums get to enjoy a very normal American life and the immigration efforts of all their Grandparents and Great Grandparents have created a significant po pulation of Puerto Ricans in the USA that has become significant enough to sway elections and become a significant group to keep on your political side in states like Florida and New York according to the article Puerto Ricans in the United States, by the Oxford Research Encyclopedias. This has been a long time coming, many efforts initially came from those that were just trying to find a better life, then came the groups that simply wanted a change of scenery with a mix of those that really needed to find a better life and eventually left us with the generations that are living a very normal life from the day they are born without even having any recognition of why or how they ended up where they are.

Reconstruction Of Automobile Destruction Undertaken By...

Overview The study, Reconstruction of Automobile Destruction undertaken by Loftus Palmer in 1974 consisted of two experiments, these experiments were completed in order to test their hypothesis that ‘the way in which a question about an eyewitness testimony was asked can change the recollection of events perceived by the witness’. The study served to aid the argument that memory can be altered and distorted when they subject is presented with new information that is given prior to the event. In order to test their hypothesis, Loftus Palmer conducted two laboratory experiments; both experiments took the design of an independent measures. The first experiment consisted of a group of 45 students who were shown footage of car accidents, following each film questionnaires were answered. The critical question from this questionnaire was in regards to the speed at which the car was travelling. In this question the verb used to describe the actions changed, meaning this was the indepen dent variable. The results of this question varied depending on the verb used. With the highest mean speed being for the word ‘smashed’ and the lowest for the verb ‘contacted’. The dependent variable in this experiment was the estimated mean speed. The second experiment differed in that it had a sample size of 150 students, they were divided into groups of 50. Again the groups were shown footage of car accidents however in this experiment one group of 50 were asked how fast the cars were

George Sugarman A Sculpture Essay Example For Students

George Sugarman: A Sculpture Essay A Polychrome Profusion; sculptor George Sugarman, Fine Arts Building, New York, New York BYLINE: RUBINSTEIN, RAPHAEL Best known today for his public art, George Sugarman began his career with formally eccentric painted-wood sculptures. In a revelatory New York exhibition, early pieces were shown alongside the 86-year-old artistquot;s more recent aluminum work. In the course of 1998, there were a number of important sculpture exhibitions in New York galleries and museums, including the Museum of Modern Artquot;s Tony Smith retrospective, Diaquot;s presentation of Richard Serraquot;s Torqued Ellipses, and a group of David Smithquot;s late painted-steel works at Gagosian Gallery. For me, however, the most impressive and thought-provoking sculpture show of the year was a concise survey of George Sugarmanquot;s work presented by Hunter College at the galleries in its Fine Arts Building on Manhattanquot;s West 41st Street. Bringing together 16 sculptures made between 1958 and 1995, the exhibition allowed viewers to trace Sugarmanquot;s career from his carved-wood works of the late 1950s to his polychrome, laminated-wood pieces of the 1960s to the painted-aluminum work that has occupied him since the early 1970s. While the show did not cover Sugarmanquot;s extensive activity in the public-art realmover the last 30 years he has created large-scale public sculptures throughout the U. S. as well as in Europe and Asiait was an effective presentation of his indoor work. Sugarman has drawn a useful distinction between what he calls the indoor eye, a museum- and gallery-oriented esthetic vision which perceives the work of art in isolation from its surroundings, and the outdoor eye, which allows us to view public art as part of a wider environment. Thanks to the presence of major, rarely seen works such as Two in One 1966 and Ten 1968, the show was a welcome reminder of Sugarmanquot;s unique and indispensable contribution to postwar sculpture. One of the earliest works on view was Six Forms in Pine 1959, a carved-wood sculpture which brought Sugarman his first major recognition when it won a prize at the 1961 Carnegie International. Among the last of his unpainted works, itquot;s a nearly 12-foot-long, smoothly flowing concatenation of horizontal abstract forms that rests on two pedestals set several feet apart. Rippling patterns of chisel marks are visible across every surface as are the strata of the laminated wood. The forms, which range from gently swelling, landscape-like shapes to more sharply defined volumes that evoke architecture or hand tools, are clearly differentiated within the continuous overall structure. While the carving technique and biomorphism relate Six Forms in Pine to established sculptural styles of the 1950s, the sculpture also possesses properties which presage Sugarmanquot;s innovative work of the next decade. The double pedestal format, in which the sculpture seems to be leaping off its bases, anticipates his subsequent elimination of the pedestal, and the emphatic horizontality of the sculpture is a move toward the extended structures of the artistquot;s 1960s work. Sugarmanquot;s next phase was represented by three works: Blue and Red 1961, Second Red and Blue 1962 and Three Forms on a Pole 1962. As the titles of the first two sculptures suggest, color is an important component of these works; the sculptures also show Sugarmanquot;s rapid elimination of obviously hand-carved surfaces. Measuring 3 1/2 feet high and 5 feet long, Blue and Red is an open, carved-wood piece combining geometric uprights with more organic cantilevered forms, all of which are painted in primary colors. Second Blue and Red, a modestly sized pedestal work, relies on similar colors but it takes a very different compositional approach. Balanced atop a chunky red form that suggests a bending torso is a horizontal blue element made from flat, irregularly shaped pieces of wood that have been pressed together to create a kind of sideways sculptural sandwich. With few, if any, precedents in the history of sculpture, this playfully inventive blue element in and of itself, as well as in relation to the red form announces Sugarmanquot;s gift for finding new kinds of sculptural syntax. When the Hunter exhibition picks up the tale again, itquot;s 1966, the year Sugarman made one of the most striking works of his career, Two in One. At first glance, this sculpture, which was given a gallery unto itself, looks like it should really be called Nineteen in One, since it consists not of two but of 19 different painted-wood forms laid out in a narrow, 24-foot-long V formation. At the apex of the V is a dark-purple, floor-hugging geometric shape that looks like a freestanding sculpture toppled by some careless passerby. The two rows of forms branching out from this flattened keystone are as abundant and various as the contents of a childquot;s box of toys. The palette can shift, in the space of four elements, from yellow green to cobalt violet to black to cerulean blue, but just when it appears that Sugarmanquot;s system is to give every part a different color, you notice a sequence of three adjacent shapes painted bright yellow. The shapes and sizes of the elements are, if anything, even more varied than their colors. Sugarman juxtaposes solid and squat forms with others that are cantilevered or attenuated; he creates internal volumes by both organic and geometric enclosures; singlemass forms give way to latticelike structures; a knee-high form is succeeded by a towering 11-foot presence. Some of the individual parts are themselves multifarious, such as a low-lying, raw-sienna piece near the junction of the two rows which combines a highly abstracted kneeling figure, a cantilevered beam and an upright plane it looks like a snowplow blade that seems to be pushing the rest of the sculpture before it. This veritable encyclopedia of sculptural possibilities appears concerned with defying all formal continuity, but as you move around Two in One, which is laid out to offer a virtually inexhaustible number of viewpoints, the relationships between the various components begin to seem not so purely random. An angular, constructivist form and a biomorphic shape turn out to share similar internal volumes; the sides of a low, sawtooth form rhyme visually with an hourglass shape that rises next to it; lateral slots recur in several components; the asymmetrical nature of the two branches is balanced by the consistent bilateral symmetry of each individual piece. At the same time that he invites the viewer to enjoy this inventive, almost carnivalesque parade of shapes, Sugarman also offers multiple occasions for us to partake of his unusual artistic logic, to uncover how one form covertly translates into the next. Age Of Romanticism EssayTruncated, footlike extensions along the bottom of these looping elements help stabilize the piece as well as establish a formal connection to the floor on which the sculpture sits. In addition to its understated technical brilliance, Ten also exudes powerful symbolism. Holliday T. Day, the curator of Sugarmanquot;s traveling retrospective of 1981-82, has drawn attention to the workquot;s female and male polarities: the three narrow forms at one end suggest a phallic lingam form, while the oval at the other end is emphatically egglike. Brad Davis, an artist who worked as Sugarmanquot;s assistant during the making of Ten, has described the work as being somewhere between an Egyptian sarcophagus and a tantric cosmic egg. 8 The work also presents a paradoxical situation of a shelterlike structure which is impossible to enter. Itquot;s a tribute to the undogmatic nature of Sugarmanquot;s imagination that Ten should forgo so many of the qualities that characteriz ed his work of the previous decade bright colors, incongruous elements. And itquot;s equally noteworthy that after completing Ten he didnquot;t go on turning out variations on the theme. After a quick stop in 1970 for Green and White Spiral, a tour-de-force demonstration of how to arrive at formal complexity by multiplying and repositioning a single element, the Hunter show skipped ahead to 1987. In the intervening years, Sugarman embraced the medium of painted aluminum, both for large-scale outdoor works and smaller sculptures. It would have been interesting to see some of the maquettes Sugarman fashions, using a pliable paper and leather compound, for the aluminum works. In the 1970s, as well as creating public sculptures around the country, Sugarman expanded his practice to include wall reliefs and acrylic paintings. Responding to the properties of his new materials, while still retaining his enthusiasm for color and irregular shapes, he opted for different kinds of forms, building sculptures out of fiat, foliage-like elements. After the austerities of the Minimalist 1960s, his work found a more congenial art-world environment in the mid-quot;70s. In his recent survey Art of the Postmodern Era, Irving Sandler discusses Sugarmanquot;s 1970s work in the chapter on Pattern and Decoration Painting, noting how the profuse forms and exuberant color of his early 1970s work stunned the younger P D artists. 9 Sandler also makes the intriguing suggestion that Sugarmanquot;s painted-metal works may have influenced the metal reliefs Frank Stella began making in the mid-1970s, when the erstwhile Minimalist embraced wildly colored, curvilinear forms. The seven sculptures from the late quot;80s and quot;90s that rounded out the Hunter College exhibition demonstrated that Sugarman, who turns 87 this year, has continued to evolve artistically. The Hanging Men 1987, is a freestanding, black-and-white structure that evokes mechanical objects such as gears, rudders and airplane parts. The sculpture seems to reject the sensual spirituality of Ten and is equally devoid of the gracefully proliferating, vegetal forms that mark many of Sugarmanquot;s public works. The hanging men of the titlethree black, bladelike forms impaled on a white spar that projects from the sculpturequot;s sideare less the sculpturequot;s subjects than they are its victims. Yellow Fringes 1990 shows Sugarmanquot;s continuing involvement with eccentric, disparate forms. The core of this sculpture, which is installed high on the wall and suggests a spiky, half-open fan, is a bundle of three black-and-white girdersone sporting sawtooth edges, another punctuated by bent flapswhich jut out several feet at about a 40 degree angle. Wedged between these girders and the wall are five flat aluminum forms, alternately black and white, that resemble oversized Christmas stockings. Bristling from the outside of the girders are three bright-yellow aluminum forms the fringes cut into rhythmic, fencelike patterns. With a formal unpredictability as great as his one thing after another floor sculptures of the mid 1960s, Sugarman here invites viewers to exercise their vision by focusing attention in an unusual place where the wall meets the ceiling and, there, to engage in retinal battle with a thrusting sculpture that keeps its complexities partly hidden. Yellow and White 1995 is a roughly 5 1/2-foot-high aluminum work composed of two elements: a gracefully twisted white shape at once suggestive of a curving funnel on a ship, a megaphone and the pistil of a flower, and, at its base, a boxy yellow form with irregular folds and scalloped edges. Sugarman works against our expectations by placing the more brightly hued, petal-like form on the floor rather than at the top of the stemlike white form. He also creates a work which, with its tapering edges, torqued planes and opened and closed volumes, offers the mobile viewer an equally mobile set of formal relations. In his introduction to the catalogue that accompanied the Hunter show, Museum of Modern Art curator Robert Storr suggests that there is a resonance between Sugarmanquot;s work and that of younger sculptors such as Polly Apfelbaum, Charles Long and Peter Soriano. I agree with Storr in seeing an affinity between their work and Sugarmanquot;s particularly his painted-wood sculptures of 1963-67, and would only add to his list three more American sculptors: Jeanne Silverthorne, Jessica Stockholder and Daniel Wiener. One quality of Sugarmanquot;s work that links it to the sculpture of artists 40 or more years his junior is that in the early 1960s he rejected the notion of troth to materials, happily obscuring the natural properties of the wood he used with repeated coats of acrylic paint. Another is his Baroque-influenced fondness for extended forms that undertake unruly excursions from their bases. 10 Given these affinities with younger artists, itquot;s surprising that Sugarmanquot;s achievement isnquot;t more widely recognized and that it was left to Hunter College, rather than a major American museum, to offer this survey. No doubt, Sugarmanquot;s long focus on public art rather than on gallery and museum work has been a factor. Also at play, I fear, is the profound indifference shown by large swaths of the art world to the kind of formal inventiveness and complex visual thinking on which Sugarmanquot;s art is based. I can only hope that the art students who made up a significant portion of the audience for this exhibition found some of their late-century assumptions about art-making challenged by the high order of visual invention on hand.